Britain's finance minister has handled this week's spending review comparable to a reluctant bather inching into cold water, attempting to ease the hardship through gradual entry.
She began dealing with the issue of inadequate revenue near the close of summer. At first, she would not to support former insistence that increases in taxation in the previous year's budget would be the last ones.
Subsequently, in early November, she took a bolder step into the icy waters. Her remarks promised to "do what is necessary" to finance government services and keep loan interest under control.
After 10 days, the exchequer had withdrawn the suggestion. The campaign pledge was upheld in the end. Like every freezing-water swimmer knows, this cancelled immersion and trembling pullback is the least effective of all techniques. Nothing prolongs the suffering like hesitation.
It is difficult to be resolute when deciding between degrees of self-inflicted injury.
Hope has not been a effective tactic for the administration. Central of the prime minister's election bid was the futile belief of somehow satisfying the public's demand for improved state services without undoing significant amounts of Tory reductions in taxation.
At no point has either the prime minister or Reeves adequately communicated a feeling of national purpose to explain all this pain. Partly that is a issue of personality appeal. Starmer and Reeves are strikingly alike in their poor communication skills, awkward and reticent in a way that pushes audiences off instead of drawing them in.
Just as political pressure to fund government services has forced the finance ministry to admit that revenue must rise, the economic imperative of boosting prosperity makes it increasingly difficult to ignore the price of separation from the European single market.
Officials spent a period splashing in the shallow end of improved relations with the EU: suggestions to eliminate customs checks on agricultural goods; a youth mobility scheme. Ambition went a bit deeper on energy, military and protection collaboration, but no significant agreements has so far been finalized.
In the absence clear direction and momentum from Downing Street, negotiations are stuck. EU officials says trading benefits are unlocked with payments to the European funds. British officials know that's the deal. That doesn't make them keen for a open dispute and Nigel Farage screaming disloyalty over whatever price ends up being agreed.
Economic reality has caused some adjustment in the administration's language on the EU relationship. The chancellor has commenced citing Brexit alongside the Covid pandemic as a cause of commercial injury that the Treasury is working hard to fix. Other ministers have followed suit, although they cautiously assign the blame to "unfavorable agreement" or "the exit process", never just "Brexit".
The problem of the UK's ongoing association with the EU can't be limited to technical adjustments and customs systems when the entire international system is in tumultuous flux. Given everything that has happened since 2016, it feels reasonable still to be posing the core matter: were the nation's concerns advanced by exiting the EU?
These represent sobering, challenging truths about the nation's situation in uncertain world affairs. It is not surprising that Starmer and Reeves shy away from the challenge. It would take them beyond their capabilities, into currents that they cannot resist. So as an alternative they carry on apprehensively walking the shore, hoping that perhaps shortly the circumstances will turn.
Felix is a tech journalist with over a decade of experience testing and reviewing consumer electronics, specializing in smartphones and smart home devices.